President Tinubu, Gbajabiamila, Desmond Elliot and godfather politics

This piece is about the relationship between godfathers and godsons in Nigerian politics. Specifically, it is about the relationship between the three people mentioned in the headline, in relation to the recent APC House of Assembly primary election for Surulere Constituency One, Lagos State. Interestingly, I have a sentimental attachment to Surulere because for many years I used to stay there whenever I was in Lagos either at Bode Thomas Street or Eric Moore Close, not far from Eric Moore Towers.

For many years, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been promoting Femi Gbajabiamila, his present Chief of Staff, as leader of Surulere politics, even before he became president. Therefore, when an opportunity came to field somebody for the Lagos State House of Assembly election, he brought Desmond Elliot, a Nollywood actor, into politics, and fielded him to represent the constituency. He is now serving his third term of 12 years in the House. However, when the crisis of leadership in the House started some months ago, Elliot identified with the anti-Speaker group, even when he knew that both Gbajabiamila and President Tinubu were against the removal of the Speaker.

According to Gbajabiamila, when he was addressing the Surulere stakeholders, which can be accessed on YouTube, Elliot nearly cost him his job because President Tinubu who knew him as “his boy”  directed him to tell Elliot to back out. He refused. Gbajabiamila reached out to him again and told him that the Director General of the DSS requested him to tell him to back out because security reports indicted him among those who were destabilising the House. He directed him to issue a press statement dissociating himself from the plot. Again, Elliot refused. Case closed. Line drawn.

Therefore, during the recent APC House of Assembly primary election, Gbajabiamila supported Barakat Oduniga-Bakare against Elliott, and she won. Surprisingly, to date, he did not disprove what Gbajabiamila said.

I have no tears for Elliot. But this is a political analysis, not a defence of Gbajabiamila. It is a case study of godson/godfather relationship in politics, from the perspective of the power game and political realism not moral argument of who is right and who is wrong, or who is betrayed and who is vindicated. I always tell people that if they don’t want to be controlled by political godfathers, they should not ride on their backs to power. That way, a person can become his own man. But it doesn’t make sense to assume that you are your own man when some godfathers used their resources, structure and contacts to get you elected. Can you please, report to the nearest psychiatrist hospital, your bed is ready.

One of the major reasons ignored on why the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and other parties appear to be on their way to extinction is because they never had a strong and visionary leader that could decisively enforce discipline and party values. The history of Nigerian party politics largely revolves around strong and visionary leaders. This is why, for example, the Action Group (AG) and Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) are to date the most organised political parties in the history of Nigeria. Interestingly, hardly a disciplinary case reached the leader, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, who was more or less a supreme court because his ruling was final. Because of effective organisation, it was easy to enforce discipline decisively, train members on the principles and values of the party. Like all organisations, mentorship, tutelage and discipline are important to party politics.

Unfortunately, in the North, despite the strong and visionary leadership of Malam Aminu Kano in the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) and Peoples Redemption Party (PRP), the only two PRP governors (Abubakar Rimi of Kano and

Balarabe Musa of Kaduna) revolted against him after riding on his back to win gubernatorial election. However, when Rimi wanted to contest his second term election, he resigned from the PRP and joined the Nigeria Peoples Party (NPP) under the leadership of Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe. But he lost the election to Alhaji Sabo Bakin Zuwo who was highly underrated because of his limited education. Of course, he won by riding on the values of the PRP and reputation of Malam Aminu Kano, although he was not alive when the election took place in 1983.

It should not be forgotten that Aminu Kano singlehandedly drafted Rimi to contest the gubernatorial election without any primary election. What happened was that the man presented for the gubernatorial election to the Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO), Alhaji Salihi Iliyasu, was disqualified on the allegation of non-payment of tax. Therefore, Aminu Kano, again, singlehandedly drafted Rimi, who was to contest a senatorial seat, because, according to him, having been cleared for senatorial seat, FEDECO had no reason to disqualify Rimi for gubernatorial election. The requirements were the same. Rimi’s Deputy Governor, Alhaji B.B. Farouq, said that Aminu Kano liked Rimi because he admired people “who come with fire” (vocal and fearless).

To date, Aminu Kano’s reputation looms large. This is why people like Dr Hakeem Baba Ahmad and Dr Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso advertise their pedigree and values as members of the Aminu Kano school of politics. However, although the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) won the two presidential elections in the Second Republic, when the PRP had two governors only, yet hardly anybody advertises his NPN pedigree today. Who is talking about what he learnt from President Shehu Shagari of the NPN or the chairman of the party, Chief M.A. Akinloye? Clearly, the difference between the two parties is that while the PRP was driven by ideological values with a strong and visionary leader, the NPN was largely a special purpose vehicle of capturing power.

The truth is that it is not easy to sustain a political party, its values and identity in Nigeria without a strong and visionary leader whose followers look up to him, and as such he can enforce discipline. This is because many communities in Nigeria have a history of centralised political system with strong traditional rulers who enforced discipline, especially in communities with absolute rulers. People from such areas hardly manage the freedom of democracy very well, therefore need strong and visionary leaders to check their excesses, and in some cases, abuse of freedom. They have been socialised since childhood to look up to a strong leader for stability and order. On the other hand, Nigerians from historically non-centralised societies, had no strong leaders and as such are today grappling with the challenges of operating in a large and centralised country like Nigeria with over 300 ethnic groups and diverse culture. It is therefore clear that both groups require strong and visionary leaders.

For example, those of us from Katsina State know the importance of strong and visionary leaders in party politics because virtually all the major political actors in the state today have benefitted from the political strategies and mentorship of either General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua or both.

When I ask my Yoruba friend the meaning of Surulere, he said: “to do something gradually or gently”. Undoubtedly, we must be ambitious to transform Nigerian politics as the major vehicle of transforming the country. However, for sustainability, we should be patient enough to do it the Surulere gradual way.

Finally, the summary of my position on godfather/godson politics is that whoever cannot withstand the heat should not go into the kitchen. Also, it is part of the political learning curve for a godson to learn to navigate the slippery slope of managing his relationship with his godfather. For details, contact Comrade Fubara.

Dikko lives in Abuja.

المصدر: Daily Trust (NG)