Zafrul, KJ touted as new face of Malaysian politics

PETALING JAYA: In a country where politics has historically been shaped by communal and religious interests, a change may be on the horizon, and that change will be led by Tengku Zafrul Aziz and Khairy Jamaluddin.

Apart from the fact that both men exude a moderate image, their appeal lies in a politics centred on arguments, facts, service delivery, and healthy competition over racial rhetoric, according to political analyst Mazlan Ali.

Rather than framing Malaysia through narrow communal calculations, Mazlan said, both leaders project a vision of the country built on togetherness, tolerance and cooperation.

More than that a political observer, who spoke on condition of anonymity, pointed out that both have delivered on their promises during their terms in the Cabinet.

Tengku Zafrul served as finance minister and later as investment, trade and industry minister prior to his appointment to his current position as senior political adviser to the prime minister and chairman of the Malaysian Investment Development Authority.

Khairy joined the Cabinet in 2013 as youth and sports minister before moving on to the science, technology and environment portfolio and later as health minister.

Mazlan said both represented a “more convincing” future but cautioned that any change from the old political script of race and religion to one of moderation is still a distance away.

He pointed out that from before independence, political parties were formed largely along racial lines to represent their respective communities.

“We may have changed governments several times since 2018, but the country has yet to fully escape the political script built around race and religion,” he said.

“For instance, Barisan Nasional (BN), anchored by Umno, became very hegemonic until the coalition was defeated in 2018,” he added.

For Mazlan, the first major rupture came in 1998 following Anwar Ibrahim’s sacking from Umno and the government, which triggered the reformasi movement.

The period also coincided with globalisation, rising education levels and the rapid growth of online media, creating conditions for what many scholars have described as the emergence of “new politics”.

Unlike the older model, this newer political culture was less dependent on race and religious mobilisation, and more influenced by information, openness and a flatter political environment.

Still, the old script never truly disappeared.

Despite repeated transitions of power from BN under Najib Razak to Pakatan Harapan (PH) under Dr Mahathir Mohamad, Perikatan Nasional (PN) under Muhyiddin Yassin, the BN-led administration under Ismail Sabri Yaakob, and now Anwar’s unity government — Mazlan believes Malaysia remains partly trapped between both eras.

Even within the unity government, which promotes themes such as transparency, integrity and efficient governance, traces of the older communal playbook continue to surface among some figures in Umno Youth and DAP, he said.

That persistence, he argued, reflects the country’s deeply plural social structure.

In many ways, it also explains why Malaysian leaders continue to struggle to address Malay anxieties without alienating non-Malays or reassure non-Malays without being accused of sidelining Malay interests.

Malay-based parties such as PAS, Umno and Bersatu still rely heavily on Malay-Muslim narratives to consolidate support, particularly on issues involving religion and identity, including recurring disputes surrounding the use of the word “Allah” and claims that Islam is under threat.

Non-Malay parties, including DAP, MCA, MIC and Gerakan, meanwhile continue leaning on communal concerns to maintain relevance among their respective voter bases.

The result, Mazlan said, is a political environment that remains emotionally charged even as the electorate becomes more exposed, educated and digitally connected.

“Although Malaysia is moving towards more mature politics, race and religion continue to colour democratic politics in the country,” he said.

But, he said, Tengku Zafrul and Khairy have emerged as Malaysia’s best bet for a change.

Nonetheless, he added, the change is unlikely to happen overnight.

A more moderate and modern political culture, he said, would require stronger political education, changing social conditions and time for newer voter expectations to fully reshape the system.

Mazlan also believes economic performance could eventually become a stronger basis for national cohesion than the traditional bargaining over race and religion.

Investment, jobs, wages and industrial policy, he argued, offer a far more sustainable foundation for unity.

Its effectiveness, however, still depends heavily on geography, demographics and voter behaviour.

Economic narratives tend to resonate most strongly in urban and semi-urban constituencies, particularly among younger, educated and mobile voters who are directly affected by economic conditions and participate more actively in policy debates.

That, according to Mazlan, helps explain why PH, which leans more heavily into the “new politics” framework, performs more strongly in urban and semi-urban areas.

In contrast, economic performance alone is often insufficient to sway more traditional “subject voters” in rural constituencies, villages and Felda settlements.

These communities, he noted, remain more closely tied to race, religion and long-established political identities.

Mazlan also made the observation that Tengku Zafrul and Khairy’s forward political thinking bears closer resemblance to leaders in developed countries such as Sweden and Australia.

“Zafrul has succeeded in proving his worth by bringing progress to the country without being tied to the agenda of the old political script,” he said.

He noted that while Khairy still operates within the broader framework of right-leaning Malay nationalism, he is gradually moving closer to Zafrul’s approach.

“In the political thinking of these figures, there is hope for a more open future in shaping a new political script,” he added.

المصدر: Free Malaysia Today